Commentary
A Trilateral Mishmash
ROLAND PARIS
The Globe and Mail
February 26, 2007
Canadian, U.S. and Mexican government ministers met Friday in Ottawa
to discuss the trilateral
Security and Prosperity Partnership (SPP).
The SPP has been making news lately, but for all the wrong reasons.
Conspiracy theorists are claiming that it is a secret plan for
continental integration.
The irony is that an overarching plan — secret or otherwise — is
precisely what the SPP lacks. It is little more than a hodgepodge of
bilateral and trilateral
working groups on issues such as border
security, food safety, migratory birds, and so on. Most of these
groups existed long before the SPP was announced in 2005.
When the SPP was created, the groups were organized into two broad
clusters — security and prosperity — and a new mechanism was created
to oversee their activities. The goal was to nudge their work
forward by requiring them to deliver semi-annual progress reports to
ministers from all three countries.
These
reports, thick as the Halifax phone book, are mind-numbing
lists of mostly piddling initiatives. Readers will learn, for
example, that Canada and the U.S. may soon recognize each other's
laboratory tests on “flow measurements for sulphur emissions of fuel
oil.” Alas, talks on developing a common set of wash-care symbols
for clothing are reportedly behind schedule.
Scattered among these initiatives is a handful with real political
significance, including the introduction of “biometric identifiers”
for travel documents and “data exchanges” on high-risk travellers.
Such proposals have rightly sparked public debate in Canada. But
whatever one thinks of them, most were known and publicized before
the SPP was launched. The fact that all these initiatives are now
tracked in a public document makes it transparent — not secretive —
if one wishes to find out what the three governments are doing.
But some people don't see it that way. The SPP has become the bête
noire of
talk shows and
patriotic blogs in the United States. The
SPP, some argue, is actually a covert scheme to create a “North
American union,” threatening the sovereignty and even the continued
existence of the U.S. as an independent nation. Canada, the U.S. and
Mexico will become a “single country with a single currency and a
single superhighway system,” says one popular website.
Rumours about a NAFTA superhighway are particularly bizarre. “It
will be four football fields wide, off limits to most Americans, and
run by foreign companies,” the site proclaims. In fact, there is a
non-profit group seeking better north-south highways to facilitate
trade in North America, but it is a non-governmental organization.
The group's website displays a
fancy map with bold arrows
transecting the continent, which is apparently enough to fuel the
fantasy of a transportation takeover.
If such musings found expression only in remote corners of
cyberspace, few would care. But, last September, four U.S.
congressmen, including presidential hopeful
Tom Tancredo of
Colorado, introduced a
resolution in the House of Representatives
calling on the U.S. not to “engage in the construction of a NAFTA
Superhighway System” and not to “enter into a North American Union
with Mexico and Canada.” Conspiracy theorists now
cite this
resolution as further evidence of the nefarious purposes of the SPP,
thus completing the circle of misinformation.
Criticism of the SPP in Canada is considerably saner, but some
commentators express similar fears about covert plans for
integration. According to the Council of Canadians, “cross-border
committees and working groups are going ahead to harmonize all
aspects of North American life, and it's happening by stealth.” The
nationalist Canadian Action Party says that Ottawa is using the SPP
to negotiate “deep integration” with the U.S. Its
website displays
the same map of the alleged NAFTA superhighway that appears on
right-wing U.S. blogs, without explaining its source or context.
The SPP is not a secret plan for continental integration. I know
because I was part of the Privy Council Office team that put the SPP
together in 2005. All the elements of the SPP were publicly reported
— and, to my knowledge, they still are.
If there is any problem with the SPP, it is not secrecy, but the
fact that it is a mishmash of disconnected and mostly trivial
initiatives, lacking any organizing vision or direction. A grocery
list does not make a meal. And it is unlikely that nine senior
ministers from three countries will continue making time for
semi-annual meetings if their main task is to bless a grocery list.
Just listen to the
statement issued after Friday's meeting.
Ministers tasked their officials with “revitalizing and streamlining
their work plans to ensure that initiatives are more focused and
results-oriented.” Translation: Would somebody please figure out
what we are trying to accomplish here?
Yes, bilateral and trilateral working groups are useful. They foster
an environment in which bureaucrats from all three countries can
deal with issues before they become irritants. And it makes good
sense to plan for emergencies such as avian flu, and to facilitate
the movement of people and goods between our countries.
But we also face bigger questions about Canada's place in North
America, and North America's place in the world. How will we manage
the unfinished business of NAFTA, including the United States'
continued and capricious use of trade remedies? What kind of North
America do we want to be living in 10, 15 or 20 years from now?
It is in Canada's interest to address these questions — internally,
and in conjunction with our NAFTA partners — so that we can define
our own future rather than passively being defined by it.
Articulating such a vision within Canada would allow us to approach
our partners more strategically. And doing so at the trilateral
level, hard as this may be, would permit the three governments to
pursue a high-level agenda with a few clear priorities.
Then, maybe, the SPP would be worth the fuss — but for all the right
reasons.
Roland Paris is associate professor of public and international
affairs at the University of Ottawa and author of At War's End:
Building Peace After Civil Conflict. He was a foreign policy
adviser in the Department of Foreign Affairs and the Privy Council
Office from 2003 to 2005.