Paganism in the sixth century (English version)
published originally, translated into Spanish by J. Signes
Codoñer, as El paganismo en el siglo VI in debats 90
(Autumn 2005), 79-85
[p.79] Despite the issuing of
numerous laws against them for two centuries, pagans still constituted a
sizeable minority within the eastern
Before considering the measures
taken by Justinian to eradicate paganism from the empire, we must address a few
essential points. First, [p.80] the ubiquity of the classical, i.e. pagan, past
in the sixth century, in the form of (for instance) monuments, mosaics, statues
and temples. To be sure, Christians had in some cases torn down pagan temples;
in other cases they had converted them into churches. Statues might be defaced
or neutralised by the engraving of a cross. But these witnesses to the pagan
past were too numerous and too widespread to be capable of being suppressed
entirely. We might note in passing that
There is Dionysus, the
hermaphrodite god. There is Kronos, who hated his children. There is Zeus, the
adulterer and the one who loved young men. This one is Athene, the virgin who
loved war; this one is Artemis, the huntress and the foe of strangers. Ares,
this demon here, made war and Apollo, this is the one who slew many. Aphrodite
for her part was in charge of prostitution...[1]
We may presume that the majority
of the audience were Christians, but they evidently had no difficulty in
recognising the gods whom they no longer worshipped.
This leads naturally on to a
second, and even more fundamental, point. Who was a Christian? And who was a
pagan? Scholars have frequently engaged in lengthy disputes as to the
allegiance of various individuals, chiefly of those whose works survive and (in
many cases) appear to show no traces of Christian influence whatever. From the
sixth century we might mention the historian Procopius [p.81] of
In the course of a single day he
[a late antique man such as John the Lydian] might read Plato, be healed at a
saint's shrine, deliver a panegyric in Latin, praise or criticize the emperor,
and sing the Trisagion hymn - without any sense of contradiction.[3]
For the fact is that the
trappings of paganism retained much of their vitality right up until the sixth
century. The monuments that we have already noted represent one aspect of this.
But we must also stress the enduring popularity of pagan spectacles, for
instance the mimes and pantomimes that were performed in theatres throughout
the East. The subject of these performances, frequently lascivious in nature,
were above all the deeds and adventures of the Olympian gods. Naturally they
were the target of the fulminations of church fathers, who thus provide us with
the best evidence for their continuing appeal. The Syriac writer Jacob of
Serug, writing in the early sixth century, argues thus:
For if he, the flute of Satan
(i.e. the actor), does note take his origin from paganism, why then does he
introduce the story of Artemis? If he is not the friend of idols and the lover
of dead images, wherefore by his gestures does he call to mind the goddess of
the Ephesians? ... He mimes the stories of the gods, and burns perfumes at the
plays, in order that he may do great honour to tales which are true for him.[4]
For Jacob, the popularity of
such spectacles represents a serious menace to Christians. His hard-line
stance, however, was at odds with the flexibility of contemporary views. As his
opponents pointed out,
It is a game (i.e. a spectacle),
not paganism. What will you lose if I laugh? And, since I deny the gods, I
shall not lose through the stories [p.82] concerning them. The dancing of that
place (i.e. the theatre) gladdens me, and, while I confess God, I also take
pleasure in the play, while I do not thereby bring truth to nothing. I am a
baptised Christian even as you are, and I confess one Lord; and I know that the
mimings which belong to the spectacle are false. I do not go that I may
believe, but I go that I may laugh...[5]
Jacob refutes such relaxed
views, arguing that the immoral tales represented in the theatre can only lead
to corruption; interestingly, as he does so, he provides considerable detail on
the myths themselves that were associated with the various gods. Given that
Jacob is not alone in condemning such shows we may surmise that they remained
popular and served to keep the pagan past alive. In similar fashion panegyrics
in praise of an emperor might cite numerous classical precedents, drawn
especially from Homer, but this cannot be taken as indicative of a pagan
attitude on the part of the author.[6] In the 510s, moreover, a
bishop in
We must also emphasise that
paganism was far from being a monolithic entity. There were always, of course,
many strands in what we now term paganism. It is worth underlining that in the
period with which we are concerned, considerable influence on it was exercised
by Christian beliefs and practices. Glen Bowersock has well brought out this
interesting aspect of the development of paganism in a stimulating book on Hellenism
in Late Antiquity (Ann Arbor, 1990). Pagan practices and beliefs evolved to
take into account Christian rites and beliefs, e.g. in adapting legends of
virgin birth. In the account cited above of the idols stolen from a pagan
shrine in
It remains to consider the fate
of pagans in the sixth century. Under the reign of Justinian a determined
effort was made to eradicate all forms of unorthodox belief, including of
course paganism. Right from the start of his reign the emperor made clear in
his legal pronouncements that heresies, paganism and other religions would not
be tolerated. In order to obtain God's favour for his empire, and no doubt for
the ambitious projects that he nourished, it was essential to ensure orthodoxy
among his people. Initially pagans were penalised in various ways, such as not
being able to enlist in the imperial bureaucracy or army; they were also barred
from holding important posts. Meetings were forbidden; sacrifices, of course,
had long since been banned. In the following years, these restrictions grew
ever stricter. The emperor's impatience is barely concealed in a law passed
perhaps in 531 (C.J. I.5.11.10):
Since certain people still
remain, who are possessed by the error of the impious and abominable pagans
[for which the Greek term 'Hellenes' is used, as was normal] and commit acts
that move our clement God to justified rage, we shall not permit these matters
to remain uncorrected. We know that they have abandoned the worship of the one
true God and have sacrificed [p.83] to idols through their irrational error and
have held feasts filled with every sort of impiety. We shall hand over, in a
clement way, those who have been baptised and who have already committed such
acts to a suitable chastisement, after their errors have been investigated. For
the future we declare by the present law that those who become Christians and
are deemed worthy of holy and saving baptism, if they appear still to be
persisting in the error of the pagans, then they will be punished by death.
Under such circumstances it is
not surprising that philosophical teaching in
For all the emperor's
fulminations, pagan philosophers continued to practise, notably at
In that year there was a great
persecution of pagans. Many had their property confisated. Some of them died:
Macedonius, Asclepiodotus, Phocas, the son of Craterus, and Thomas the quaestor.
This caused great fear. (Chronicle, 18.42)
Although Malalas overstates the
number of those killed, since Phocas at least survived, it is clear that there
was a new determination to root out all pagans, no matter how powerful they were.
Such a thoroughgoing approach was new and bound to inspire fear in many.
Accusations of paganism were easily made and hard to disprove definitively:
Phocas, who succumbed to a second round of persecutions in 545-6, had endowed a
church in Galatia and contributed to the construction [p.84] of Hagia Sophia in
the 530s, but even this was not enough to save him from accusations of
paganism. Any opponent of the emperor was liable to be suspected of paganism.
Once the praetorian prefect John the Cappadocian had fallen from power, for
instance, it was easy to insinuate that he had pagan sympathies, as Procopius
relates.
The empire was struck by a
devastating plague in 542; during the same period war resumed with
Despite these repeated bouts of
persecution, paganism continued to survive, in various forms, in the eastern
Upon this, fresh names began to
pour in [from throughout the empire], and every day new arrests were made, and
more and more involved in the danger, until the prisons were all full: and even
many of the clergy officiating in the churches were informed against, and
convicted of many heathenish crimes, and the sentence pronounced upon them was
that they should be cast to the wild beasts and their bodies burnt with fire. (Church
History, III.34)
The patriarch, we might note in
passing, was exonerated. But the trials continued throughout the rest of
Tiberius' reign and were pursued likewise under his successor, Maurice. We
should be careful, however, in inferring the existence a widespread network of
pagans from John's evidence. His account clearly illustrates the atmosphere of
mass hysteria that existed and that was undoubtedly exploited by certain people
for their own ends. The governor executed by Tiberius was convicted mainly
because of the discovery of an image of Apollo in his residence, said to be
concealed on the opposite side of an image of Christ. Yet, as we have seen,
there were certainly some Christians who appreciated pagan images and even
entertainments featuring pagan deities. It is highly probable therefore that,
at least partly as a result of Justinian's hard-line policies, an increasing
polarisation between paganism and Christianity had set in by this period. The
ambiguous stance of certain people, noted above, became steadily less
practicable over the course of the century.
In conclusion, the sixth century
was a critical point in the decline of paganism in the
Bibliography
G. Bowersock, Hellenism in
Late Antiquity (Ann Arbor, 1990)
P. Chuvin, Chronique des
derniers païens : la disparition du paganisme dans l'Empire romain, du règne de
Constantin à celui de Justinien (Paris, 1990)
M. Maas, John Lydus and the
Roman Past (
M. Meier, Das andere Zeitalter
Justinians (Göttingen, 2003)
Geoffrey Greatrex,
[2] See A. Cameron, Procopius (
[4] Homily 3 in C. Moss, 'Jacob of Serugh's homilies on the spectacles of the theatre'. Muséon 48 (1935), p.104.
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